PROTOCOL NUMBER TEN


1. To-day I begin with a repetition of what I said before,
and I beg you bear in mind that governments and people are
content in the political with outside appearances. And how,
indeed, are the goyim to perceive the underlying meaning of
things when their representatives give the best of their
energies to enjoying themselves? For our policy it is of the
greatest importance to take cognizance of this detail; it
will be of assistance to us when we come to consider the
division of authority of property, of the dwelling, of
taxation (the idea of concealed taxes), of the reflex force
of the laws. All these questions are such as ought not to be
touched upon directly and openly before the people. In cases
where it is indispensable to touch upon them they must not
be categorically named, it must merely be declared without
detailed exposition that the principles of contemporary law
are acknowledged by us. The reason of keeping silence in
this respect is that by not naming a principle we leave
ourselves freedom of action, to drop this or that out of it
without attracting notice; if they were all categorically
named they would all appear to have been already given.

2. The mob cherishes a special affection and respect for the
geniuses of political power and accepts all their deeds of
violence with the admiring response: "rascally, well, yes,
it is rascally, but it's clever! ... a trick, if you like,
but how craftily played, how magnificently done, what
impudent audacity!" ...

OUR GOAL - WORLD POWER:

3. We count upon attracting all nations to the task of
erecting the new fundamental structure, the project for
which has been drawn up by us. This is why, before
everything, it is indispensable for us to arm ourselves and
to store up in ourselves that absolutely reckless audacity
and irresistible might of the spirit which in the person of
our active workers will break down all hindrances on our
way.

4. When we have accoplished our coup d'etat, we shall say
then to the various peoples: "Everything has gone terribly
badly, all have been worn out with suffering. We are
destroying the causes of your torment - nationalities,
frontiers, differences of coinages. You are at liberty, of
course, to pronounce sentence upon us, but can it possibly
be a just one if it is confirmed by you before you make any
trial of what we are offering you." ... Then will the mob
exalt us and bear us up in their hands in a unanimous
triumph of hopes and expectations. Voting, which we have
made the instrument which will set us on the throne of the
world by teaching even the very smallest units of members of
the human race to vote by means of meetings and agreements
by groups, will then have served its purposes and will play
its part then for the last time by a unanimity of desire to
make close acquaintance with us before condemning us.

5. To secure this, we must have everybody vote without
distinction of classes and qualifications, in order to
establish an absolute majority, which cannot be got from the
educated propertied classes. In this way, by inculcating in
all a sense of self-importance, we shall destroy among the
goyim the importance of the family and its educational value
and remove the possibility of individual minds splitting
off, for the mob, handled by us, will not let them come to
the front nor even give them a hearing; it is accustomed to
listen to us only who pay it for obedience and attention. In
this way we shall create a blind, mighty force which will
never be in a position to move in any direction without the
guidance of our agents set at its head by us as leaders of
the mob. The people will submit to this regime because it
will know that upon these leaders will depend its earnings,
gratifications and the receipt of all kinds of benefits.

6. A scheme of government should come ready made from one
brain, because it will never be clinched firmly if it is
allowed to be split into fractional parts in the minds of
many. It is allowable, therefore, for us to have cognizance
of the scheme of action but not to discuss it lest we
disturb its artfulness, the interdependence of its component
parts, the practical force of the secret meaning of each
clause. To discuss and make alterations in a labor of this
kind by means of numerous votings is to impress upon it the
stamp of all ratiocinations and misunderstandings which have
failed to penetrate the depth and nexus of its plottings. We
want our schemes to be forcible and suitably concocted.
Therefore we ought not to fling the work of genius of our
guide to the fangs of the mob or even of a select company.

7. These schemes will not turn existing institutions upside
down just yet. They will only effect changes in their
economy and consequently in the whole combined movement of
their progress, which will thus be directed along the paths
laid down in our schemes.

POISON OF LIBERALISM:

8. Under various names there exists in all countries
approximately one and the same thing. Representation,
Ministry, Senate, State Council, Legislative and Executive
Corps. I need not explain to you the mechanism of the
relation of these institutions to one another, because you
are aware of all that; only take note of the fact that each
of the above-named institutions corresponds to some
important function of the State, and I would beg you to
remark that the word "important" I apply not to the
institution but to the function, consequently it is not the
institutions which are important but their functions. These
institutions have divided up among themselves all the
functions of government - administrative, legislative,
executive, wherefore they have come to operate as do the
organs in the human body. If we injure one part in the
machinery of State, the State falls sick, like a human body,
and ... will die.

9. When we introduced into the State organism the poison of
Liberalism its whole political complexion underwent a
change. States have been seized with a mortal illness -
blood poisoning. All that remains is to await the end of
their death agony.

10. Liberalism produced Constitutional States, which took
the place of what was the only safeguard of the goyim,
namely, Despotism; and a constitution, as you well know, is
nothing else but a school of discords, misunderstandings,
quarrels, disagreements, fruitless party agitations, party
whims - in a word, a school of everything that serves to
destroy the personality of State activity. The tribune of
the "talkerics" has, no less effectively than the press,
condemned the rulers to inactivity and impotence, and
thereby rendered them useless and superfluous, for which
reason indeed they have been in many countries deposed. Then
it was that the era of republics become possible of
realization; and then it was that we replaced the ruler by a
caricature of a government - by a president, taken from the
mob, from the midst of our puppet creatures, or slaves. This
was the foundation of the mine which we have laid under the
goy people, I should rather say, under the goy peoples.

WE NAME PRESIDENTS:

11. In the near future we shall establish the responsibility
of presidents.

12. By that time we shall be in a position to disregard
forms in carrying through matters for which our impersonal
puppet will be responsible. What do we care if the ranks of
those striving for power should be thinned, if there should
arise a deadlock from the impossibility of finding
presidents, a deadlock which will finally disorganize the
country? ...

13. In order that our scheme may produce this result we
shall arrange elections in favor of such presidents as have
in their past some dark, undiscovered stain, some "Panama"
or other - then they will be trustworthy agents for the
accomplishment of our plans out of fear of revelations and
from the natural desire of everyone who has attained power,
namely, the retention of the privileges, advantages and
honor connected with the office of president. The chamber of
deputies will provide cover for, will protect, will elect
presidents, but we shall take from it the right to propose
new, or make changes in existing laws, for this right will
be given by us to the responsible president, a puppet in our
hands. Naturally, the authority of the presidents will then
become a target for every possible form of attack, but we
shall provide him with a means of self-defense in the right
of an appeal to the people, for the decision of the people
over the heads of their representatives, that is to say, an
appeal to that some blind slave of ours - the majority of
the mob. Independently of this we shall invest the president
with the right of declaring a state of war. We shall justify
this last right on the ground that the president as chief of
the whole army of the country must have it at his disposal,
in case of need for the defense of the new republican
constitution, the right to defend which will belong to him
as the responsible representative of this constitution.

14. It is easy to understand them in these conditions the
key of the shrine will lie in our hands, and no one outside
ourselves will any longer direct the force of legislation.

15. Besides this we shall, with the introduction of the new
republican constitution, take from the Chamber the right of
interpolation on government measures, on the pretext of
preserving political secrecy, and, further, we shall by the
new constitution reduce the number of representatives to a
minimum, thereby proportionately reducing political passions
and the passion for politics. If, however, they should,
which is hardly to be expected, burst into flame, even in
this minimum, we shall nullify them by a stirring appeal and
a reference to the majority of the whole people ... Upon the
president will depend the appointment of presidents and
vice-presidents of the Chamber and the Senate. Instead of
constant sessions of Parliaments we shall reduce their
sittings to a few months. Moreover, the president, as chief
of the executive power, will have the right to summon and
dissolve Parliament, and, in the latter case, to prolong the
time for the appointment of a new parliamentary assembly.
But in order that the consequences of all these acts which
in substance are illegal, should not, prematurely for our
plans, upon the responsibility established by use of the
president, we shall instigate ministers and other officials
of the higher administration about the president to evade
his dispositions by taking measures of their own, for doing
which they will be made the scapegoats in his place ... This
part we especially recommend to be given to be played by the
Senate, the Council of State, or the Council of Ministers,
but not to an individual official.

16. The president will, at our discretion, interpret the
sense of such of the existing laws as admit of various
interpretation; he will further annul them when we indicate
to him the necessity to do so, besides this, he will have
the right to propose temporary laws, and even new departures
in the government constitutional working, the pretext both
for the one and the other being the requirements for the
supreme welfare of the State.

WE SHALL DESTROY:

17. By such measure we shall obtain the power of destroying
little by little, step by step, all that at the outset when
we enter on our rights, we are compelled to introduce into
the constitutions of States to prepare for the transition to
an imperceptible abolition of every kind of constitution,
and then the time is come to turn every form of government
into our despotism.

18. The recognition of our despot may also come before the
destruction of the constitution; the moment for this
recognition will come when the peoples, utterly wearied by
the irregularities and incompetence - a matter which we
shall arrange for - of their rulers, will clamor: "Away with
them and give us one king over all the earth who will unite
us and annihilate the causes of disorders - frontiers,
nationalities, religions, State debts - who will give us
peace and quiet which we cannot find under our rulers and
representatives."

19. But you yourselves perfectly well know that to produce
the possibility of the expression of such wishes by all the
nations, it is indispensable to trouble in all countries the
people's relations with their governments so as to utterly
exhaust humanity with dissension, hatred, struggle, envy and
even by the use of torture, by starvation, by the
inoculation of diseases, by want, so that the "goyim" see no
other issue than to take refuge in our complete sovereignty
in money and in all else.

20. But if we give the nations of the world a breathing
space the moment we long for is hardly likely ever to
arrive.

Go To Protocol Number Eleven . . .